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Büyükfırat, 48, is one of the founders of the IHH and had represented the charity group in the Caucasus between 1994 and 2000. Although he later left the official position with the IHH and set up a chain of local stores in Azerbaijan, Büyükfırat kept working for the IHH in an unofficial capacity. He often used the code names Abdurrahman and Abu Abrar. He was deported from Azerbaijan for radical activities in 2003 but managed to return few years later. A Turkish prosecutor who had investigated Mullah Muhammed, a radical preacher who openly called for armed jihad, declared his support for Osama bin Laden and urged the beheading of Americans, listed the Baku-based Büyükfırat as a suspect in his investigation. Authorities who monitored Mullah Muhammed’s phone contacts identified Büyükfırat when the two had phone conversations between May 15, 2009 and June 3, 2009 and talked about transferring funds. His home was searched on February 22, 2010 when the police executed detention and search and seizure warrants issued by a judge as part of the investigation into Mullah Muhammed’s group.

Ali KAYA Diyarbakır’da bu işleri yaparak iş adamlarından büyük miktarda paralar toplamıştır. Hatta internet haberine göre de şu anki Kara Kuvvetleri Komutanı olan ve Ali KAYA için "iyi çocuktur, suç işlemez" diyen Yaşar BÜYÜKANIT Kuşadası’nda bir çok emekli paşa ile arsayı ucuz bir fiyata lüks villalar inşâ etmektedirler. Kooperatifin başkanı ise bildiğim kadarı ile bir astsubaydır. Yani ülkeyi terörle mücadele havası ile bu bölgede olağanüstü hâl yönetimi ile ülkemiz yönetilmek isteniyor. Maalesef yasadışı uyuşturucu, silâh kaçakçılığı gibi işlemler böyle devlet içerisine yerleşmiş illegal bir takım gruplar tarafından yapılmaktadır. Bu iddiam yıllardır bölgede oynanan oyunları ve terörün bir türlü bitirilmemesinin bir sonucudur. Yani terör devlet içine yerleşmiş özellikle silâhlı kuvvetlerimizin içine yerleşmiş bu türlü illegal gruplar tarafından bitirilmek istenmiyor. Doğu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu Bölgesi böylece gündemde tutuluyor. Terör örgütleri bunlardan palazlanıyor, yani faydalanıyor, şanlı silâhlı kuvvetlerimiz bölgemizde birçok başarılı işlemler yapmıştır ancak içindeki bu illegal örgütler silâhlı kuvvetlerimizin şerefli ve onurlu yapısına gölge düşürüyor.

It was early afternoon on November 6th, 1907, before Charles found a villager who could show him the site of the inscribed statue. It was the last night of Ramadan, and on the next morning the villagers celebrated with their guests. The expedition beat the worst of the snows and was in the lowlands of northern Mesopotamia by December. As they made their way to the regional center, Diyarbakır, they heard that the city was in revolt: the local worthies had occupied the telegraph office to protest the depredations enacted by a local chieftain. The travellers were a day's march behind the imperial troops who had been sent in to quell the rebellion, and who frequently left the roadside inns in a deplorable state. Wrench supplemented his notes on the "first Babylonian dynasty" with a clutch of pressed flowers. Drawing of the early medieval Deyrulzafaran, "the saffron monastery," located outside of Mardin. As the expedition moved out of the Hittite heartlands, we begin to see in Wrench's fieldbooks the beginnings of a new interest in the medieval architecture of the Syriac-speaking Christian communities.

Much of their time in the Ottoman capital was spent purchasing provisions and hiring porters. The trip's employees would do much more than carry the baggage. Solomon, an Armenian from Ankara, had a knack for quizzing villagers regarding the location of remote monuments. While preparing for the journey, the group made smaller trips in western Anatolia. At Binbirkilise, a Byzantine site on the Konya plain, they visited the veteran English researchers Gertrude Bell and William Ramsay. Like Bell, whose Byzantine interests set her at the vanguard of European scholarship, the Cornell researchers were less interested in ancient Greece and Rome than in what came before and after. Their particular focus was on the Hittites and the other peoples who ruled central Anatolia long before the rise of the Hellenistic kingdoms. When the expedition set off in mid-July, their starting point was not one of the classical cities of the coast, but a remote village in the heartland of the Phrygian kings.

Leaving Azerbaijan was necessary, Nagorno-Karabakh’s majority-Armenian population claimed, to preserve the region’s indigenous Christian past and to avoid the fate of Nakhichevan’s vanished Armenians. Amid Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika, Nagorno-Karabakh became a war zone. Since the 1994 ceasefire among newly-independent Armenia, Here's more info about diyarbakır Escort take a look at our website. Azerbaijan, and Nagorno-Karabakh, mutual accusations of vandalism and revisionism have been rampant. Azerbaijan’s president proteststhat "all of our mosques in occupied Azerbaijani lands have been destroyed." A visitor to Armenia-backed Nagorno-Karabakh (also called Artsakh in Armenian) would observe otherwise: there are mosques, albeit nonoperational, including one in the devastated "buffer zone" ghost town Agdam. Yet a tourist in Nakhichevan, which was not a war zone, would encounter neither Armenian heritage sites nor public acknowledgment of the region’s far-reaching Armenian roots, including the medieval global trade networks launched by Djulfa’s innovative merchants. These merchants’ legacies, documented in Sebouh Aslanian’s From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean, include the legendary treasures of the "Adventure Prize" ship pirated in 1698 by celebrated outlaw Captain Kidd.