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But their courageous story has been lost to Cornell history - until now. Blizzards, bad roads, an "unsettled" country: the challenges facing the three Cornellians who sailed from New York for the eastern Mediterranean in 1907 were legion. But their fourteen months' campaign in the Ottoman Empire nevertheless resulted in photographs, pottery, and copies of numerous Hittite inscriptions, many newly discovered or previously thought to be illegible. It took three years before their study of those inscriptions appeared, and while its title page conveyed its academic interest, it tells us nothing of the passion and commitment that made it possible. The story of the men behind the study and their adventures abroad has been lost to Cornell history-until now. The organizer, John Robert Sitlington Sterrett, spent the late 1800s traveling from one end of Anatolia to the other, where he established a reputation as an expert on Greek inscriptions. In 1901 he became Professor of Greek at Cornell, where he instilled his own love of travel in his most promising students.

Should you loved this informative article and you wish to receive much more information with regards to escort diyarbakir i implore you to visit the page. India's foreign policy establishment is said to be divided on the issue of Iraq. Some believe that with Bush set on ousting President Saddam Hussein through military strikes and in determining the nature of a post-Saddam dispensation, it would be in India's interest to just go along with the US now and gain a share in the spoils (reconstruction projects) as it has in Afghanistan. However, others believe that India does not stand to gain from an Iraqi invasion. The political upheaval and economic uncertainty it will engender across the Middle East will severely affect India. It could mean the return to India of millions of Indians working in the Middle East who are currently remitting around US$6 billion annually. Furthermore, the impact on the Indian economy will be severe given the fact that Arab oil accounts for almost two-thirds of India's crude imports. Indian officials are worried that Washington's current preoccupation with Iraq has distracted its attention away from the military operations against al-Qaeda.

It is unlikely that it will commit combat troops. Foreign Minister Phil Goff spelled out New Zealand's position during a 40-minute meeting yesterday with US charge d'affairs Phil Wall, second-in-charge at the American Embassy in Wellington. The meeting was held at Mr Wall's request as Washington sounds out about 50 countries on possible contributions to an American-led force. After the meeting, Mr Goff said Mr Wall had outlined contingency plans for action if Iraq did not comply with the requirements of the UN Security Council. For this reason and as a contingency against Iraqi refusal to comply, the United States is seeking possible contributions for military or humanitarian assistance if force is used against Iraq." Mr Goff told Mr Wall that New Zealand would consider calls for assistance if action against Iraq was UN-mandated and within international law. "However, I reiterated that these conditions needed to be met, and that New Zealand's strong view was that force should be used only as a last resort.

What comes somewhat as a surprise is the expression of the disagreement with the US at a time when Delhi's relations with Washington, after decades of frostiness, are warming up. India's military and economic ties with the US have blossomed. And in the past couple of years, noticeably from 2001, the Indian government has been more than enthusiastic in endorsing US positions on global strategic issues, on the controversial national missile defense, for instance. It has been argued that India's gains from a rapidly expanding relationship with the US far outweigh what it gets from its long-standing ties with Iraq. In 1990-91, India's policy towards Iraq and the Gulf War was determined to a major extent by its concern for the safety of the huge Indian population working in Iraq and Kuwait. Analysts point out that now India is less constrained by that concern as the number of Indians in Iraq has dwindled to a couple of hundreds, small enough for a quick evacuation.

What comes somewhat as a surprise is the expression of the disagreement with the US at a time when Delhi's relations with Washington, after decades of frostiness, are warming up. India's military and economic ties with the US have blossomed. And in the past couple of years, noticeably from 2001, the Indian government has been more than enthusiastic in endorsing US positions on global strategic issues, on the controversial national missile defense, for instance. It has been argued that India's gains from a rapidly expanding relationship with the US far outweigh what it gets from its long-standing ties with Iraq. In 1990-91, India's policy towards Iraq and the Gulf War was determined to a major extent by its concern for the safety of the huge Indian population working in Iraq and Kuwait. Analysts point out that now India is less constrained by that concern as the number of Indians in Iraq has dwindled to a couple of hundreds, small enough for a quick evacuation.